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Penyakit pada abad ke-14 (Aktiviti Bilik Darjah)

Penyakit pada abad ke-14 (Aktiviti Bilik Darjah)


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Sebilangan besar rawatan perubatan pada abad ke-14 didasarkan pada idea yang dikembangkan oleh orang Yunani dan Rom. Aspek yang paling penting dari ini adalah teori empat humor. Dikatakan bahawa tubuh mempunyai empat humor: darah, kahak, hempedu kuning dan hempedu hitam. Humor ini dikaitkan dengan bahagian tubuh yang berlainan dan mempunyai kualiti yang berbeza: darah (jantung: panas dan lembap); kahak (otak: sejuk dan lembap); hempedu kuning (hati: panas dan kering) dan hempedu hitam (limpa: sejuk dan kering).

Dipercayai bahawa ketika seseorang sakit, keempat-empat humor di badannya tidak seimbang. Seorang pesakit biasanya disarankan untuk berehat agar badan dapat mengembalikan keseimbangan semula jadi. Sekiranya ini tidak berjaya, diet pesakit akan diubah. Contohnya, jika pesakit merasa sejuk, dia akan diberi makanan panas.

Sekiranya perubahan dalam diet gagal mencapai kejayaan, dan pesakit cukup makmur, seorang pakar bedah akan dipanggil. Sekiranya pesakit tidak mempunyai banyak wang, seorang pakar bedah tukang gunting (doktor yang tidak terlatih yang menghabiskan sebahagian besar waktunya untuk memotong rambut) akan digunakan sebagai gantinya.

Pakar bedah akan memeriksa pesakit dan jika dia lebih panas daripada biasa, ia akan mendakwa terdapat terlalu banyak darah di dalam badan. Penyelesaian untuk masalah ini adalah membuang sebahagian darah dengan membuka urat pesakit dengan pisau. Seperti halnya pemberian darah, pakar bedah juga dapat melakukan operasi kecil dan menangani patah tulang sederhana.

Kematian akibat penyakit adalah ketakutan yang berterusan terhadap orang yang hidup di Zaman Pertengahan. Mungkin penyakit yang paling membimbangkan mereka adalah penyakit kusta. Walaupun tidak selalu membunuh mangsanya, akibatnya penyakit kusta sangat mengerikan. Ekstensi dan ciri wajah perlahan-lahan hilang dan wajah akhirnya menjadi cacat. Orang yang menderita penyakit itu dirawat dengan teruk. "Mereka dilarang melakukan semua hubungan sosial yang normal dan menjadi sasaran upacara pengecualian yang mengejutkan. Mereka tidak dapat menikah, mereka dipaksa untuk berpakaian khas dan membunyikan peringatan mengenai pendekatan mereka."

Terdapat juga hospital pada awal abad pertengahan. Namun, mereka digunakan untuk mengasingkan dan bukan untuk menyembuhkan orang sakit. Ketika orang-orang masuk ke hospital, harta benda mereka diserahkan kerana mereka tidak dijangka selamat.
Salah satu cara utama menangani penyakit pada Zaman Pertengahan adalah dengan berdoa. Diyakini bahawa orang yang menderita penyakit mungkin dihukum oleh Tuhan atas dosa-dosa yang mereka lakukan pada masa lalu.

Para doktor menyedari bahawa penting untuk membina pengetahuan tentang penyakit. Para cendekiawan memperoleh salinan buku yang ditulis oleh doktor di negara lain dan menerjemahkannya ke dalam bahasa Inggeris. Ini merupakan perkembangan penting, kerana pada masa lalu buku perubatan di England hanya tersedia dalam bahasa Latin, yang membatasi jumlah orang yang dapat membacanya.

Dengan cara ini maklumat disampaikan mengenai kejayaan rawatan penyakit. Sebagai contoh, Hotel Dieu, sebuah hospital besar di Paris, mempelopori pendekatan baru untuk menangani pesakit. Hospital dibahagikan kepada wad. Setiap wad menghadapi masalah yang berbeza. Orang yang patah tulang akan dirawat di satu bangsal sementara yang lain menangani penyakit berjangkit.

Hotel Dieu sangat menjaga kebersihan. Semua pesakit diberi gaun bersih untuk dipakai dan mandi biasa. Seperti semua hospital, pesakit masih tidur tiga atau empat ke atas katil tetapi cadar diganti setiap minggu. Lantai bangsal dijaga bersih dan dindingnya dibasuh dengan kapur.

Maklumat mengenai kejayaan rawatan pesakit di Hotel Dieu segera tersebar ke negara lain. Tidak lama kemudian doktor mula memperkenalkan pembaharuan serupa di hospital mereka.

Semasa phlebotomy cuaca panas (pembuangan darah) tidak boleh dilakukan kerana humor mengalir dengan cepat seperti yang buruk. Flebotomi juga tidak boleh dilakukan dalam cuaca yang sangat sejuk, kerana humor yang baik dipadatkan di dalam badan dan sukar ditarik, dan yang baik keluar lebih cepat daripada yang buruk ... Sekiranya darah kelihatan hitam, cabut sehingga menjadi merah . Sekiranya tebal, hingga menipis: jika berair, hingga menjadi pekat ... Phlebotomy membersihkan minda, menguatkan ingatan, membersihkan perut, menajamkan pendengaran, mengembangkan pancaindera, melancarkan pencernaan, menghasilkan suara muzik, memberi makan darah, membasuhnya dari bahan beracun, dan membawa umur panjang. Ia dapat menghilangkan penyakit, menyembuhkan sakit, demam dan pelbagai penyakit.

Kusta menjadi sangat stigma. Mereka dilarang melakukan semua hubungan sosial yang normal dan menjadi sasaran ritus pengecualian yang mengejutkan. Mereka tidak boleh berkahwin, mereka dipaksa untuk berpakaian khas dan membunyikan amaran tentang pendekatan mereka .... Mereka dipisahkan di rumah-rumah khas di luar bandar ... Kusta memberikan prisma bagi pemikiran Kristian mengenai penyakit. Tidak kurang agama daripada diagnosis perubatan, ia dikaitkan dengan dosa, terutama nafsu, yang mencerminkan anggapan bahawa ia disebarkan oleh seks.

Pengetahuan mengenai anatomi diperoleh dengan dua cara; satu adalah dengan buku ... cara kedua adalah dengan membedah mayat, iaitu, dari mereka yang baru-baru ini dipenggal atau digantung. Dengan ini kita dapat mengetahui anatomi organ dalaman, otot, kulit, urat dan urat.

Dia meletakkan setrika darah ke urat Robin Hood
Dan menembusi urat, dan mengeluarkan darah,
Dan selepas itu kurus,
Dan kemudian tahu bahawa ada pengkhianatan di dalamnya.

Semasa melalui Sungai Thames, kami telah melihat kotoran dan kotoran lain menumpuk di beberapa tempat. Kami juga menyedari asap dan bau busuk lain ... Untuk menjaga kehormatan Bandar, kami memerintahkan agar anda menyebabkan tebing sungai dan jalan-jalan dan lorong-lorong kota dibersihkan dari kotoran dan kotoran lain tanpa berlengah. Dan pengumuman awam harus dibuat bahawa tidak ada yang meletakkan kotoran atau kotoran di jalan-jalan dan lorong-lorong.

Begitu banyak kotoran dan kotoran ... begitu juga binatang mati ... berada di parit, sungai dan perairan lain ... udara sangat rosak ... Banyak penyakit yang tidak dapat ditoleransi setiap hari terjadi ... dengan kegusaran besar, kerosakan dan bahaya penduduk, penghuni, pembaiki dan pengembara ... Semua kotoran, sampah, inti dan bau lain di parit, sungai, perairan ... hendaklah dibuang dan dibuang ... apabila rasa sakit kehilangan dan kehilangannya kepada kami Tuan Raja £ 20.

Semua jalan di London sangat teruk sehingga mereka sedikit basah, dan ini sering berlaku ... kerana hujan, yang banyak terdapat di pulau ini. Kemudian sejumlah besar lumpur berbau jahat terbentuk, yang tidak hilang dengan cepat tetapi bertahan lama, sebenarnya hampir sepanjang tahun.

Soalan untuk Pelajar

Soalan 1: Pilih petikan dari sumber yang membantu menjelaskan bagaimana doktor mengembangkan idea bagaimana merawat pesakit mereka.

Soalan 2: Mengkaji sumber dari unit ini yang memberikan maklumat mengenai phlebotomy (blood-letting) dan trephination (pembedahan otak). Terangkan bagaimana rawatan ini berfungsi.

Soalan 3: Apakah gejala kusta? Mengapa sejarawan percaya sumber 1 menunjukkan seorang lelaki menderita kusta?

Soalan 4: Pilih maklumat dari sumber untuk menjelaskan mengapa standard kesihatan awam pada abad ke-14 begitu buruk.

Soalan 5: Pada tahun 1159 John of Salisbury berkomentar: "Kami (para sarjana) seperti kerdil duduk di bahu raksasa. Kami melihat lebih banyak, dan hal-hal yang lebih jauh, daripada yang mereka lakukan, bukan kerana pandangan kita lebih unggul atau kerana kita lebih tinggi dari mereka, tetapi kerana mereka membesarkan kita, dan dengan perawakannya yang luar biasa menambah kita. " Gunakan contoh pertumbuhan pengetahuan perubatan pada Zaman Pertengahan untuk menjelaskan apa yang dimaksudkannya dengan pernyataan ini.

Jawapan Komen

Komen mengenai soalan-soalan ini boleh didapati di sini.


Penyakit pada abad ke-14 (Aktiviti Bilik Darjah) - Sejarah

Laman web ini menawarkan pendekatan tematik untuk 3,000 tahun terakhir dalam sejarah perubatan yang mendahului kajian budaya material. Setiap tema terdiri daripada esai yang mengesan kesinambungan dan perubahan dari waktu ke waktu yang disertakan dengan pautan ke objek yang berkaitan dan deskripsi biografi orang yang disebutkan, serta maklumat mendalam mengenai empat sub-topik dan ciri interaktif.

Tema merangkumi: kepercayaan dan perubatan, kelahiran dan kematian, kontroversi dan perubatan, diagnosis, penyakit dan wabak penyakit, hospital, kesihatan mental dan penyakit, perubatan praktik, kesihatan awam, sains dan perubatan, pembedahan, teknologi dan perubatan, tradisi perubatan, rawatan dan penawar , memahami badan, dan perang dan perubatan. Secara keseluruhan, laman web ini mengandungi hampir 4,000 objek yang dianotasi.

Bahan laman web & # 8217 tidak mengetengahkan naratif perubatan & # 8220progres & # 8221 dengan & # 8220triumph & # 8221 biomedik pada akhir abad ke-19, melainkan menampilkan pandangan yang lebih bernas tentang kesinambungan dan perubahan dalam amalan perubatan . Esei yang mengiringi tema & # 8220Percaya dan perubatan & # 8221, misalnya, diakhiri dengan menyedari bahawa walaupun asal-usul penyakit rohani tidak disukai dalam penubuhan bioperubatan, perubatan & # 8220 selalu menjadi sebahagian daripada sistem kepercayaan budaya dan masa tertentu tempoh, dan merupakan salah satu daripada banyak cara yang berkaitan di mana orang menghadapi dan menjelaskan penyakit. & # 8221

Bahan laman web juga memperhatikan sejarah perubatan di luar konteks Barat. Sebagai contoh, bahagian pendahuluan mengenai & # 8220Apa maksudnya dengan baik & # 8221 mencabar pelajar untuk berfikir secara bersejarah dan budaya antara konsep kesejahteraan dan penyakit & # 8212a titik permulaan yang baik untuk mana-mana kelas mengenai sejarah perubatan. Ini menunjukkan bahawa idea-idea yang ada ketika manusia menjadi & # 8220 & # 8221 dipengaruhi oleh, misalnya, rejimen rawatan yang tersedia, hak istimewa syarikat insurans dan majikan, dan kepercayaan spiritual.

Tetapi, memang, penekanan laman web pada objek dan budaya material yang menghidupkan idea-idea ini. Melalui bahagian & # 8220percayaan dan perubatan & # 8221, pengguna menunjuk ke 366 objek yang berkaitan & # 8220 yang difoto dengan baik. & # 8221 Menyemak imbas melalui ini menunjukkan bahawa beberapa telah digunakan untuk menangkis & # 8220 mata jahat & # 8221 & # 8212 kepercayaan bahawa seseorang yang sengaja & # 8220 melihat & # 8221 atau perasaan iri hati boleh menyebabkan nasib buruk, penyakit, atau kematian. Ini termasuk kalung yang dibina dari & # 8220 tangan Fatima & # 8221 yang berasal dari abad ke-19 yang dijumpai di Palestin, dan jimat logam, karang, dan tulang yang menunjukkan isyarat ara atau mano fica dari Itali abad ke-18. Memerhatikan objek-objek ini, yang dikontekstualisasikan dengan baik dalam esei & # 8220percayaan dan perubatan & # 8221, pengguna melihat bahawa mereka yang menghiasi diri mereka dengan barang-barang ini mungkin akan menjiwai mereka dengan kekuatan yang sama seperti campur tangan bioperubatan.

Berbekal kesedaran ini, pengguna mungkin merasa bahawa idea-idea ini mesti dipandang serius dari segi sejarah, budaya, dan biologi. Semua objek boleh dicari kata kunci (misalnya, carian untuk & # 8220evil eye & # 8221 mengembalikan objek ini), dan boleh dilayari mengikut tema, tempat, dan orang, menjadikannya mudah diimport ke dalam pelajaran yang sudah ada yang difokuskan sama ada pada satu wilayah geografi atau di perbandingan antara budaya.

Dalam konteks bilik darjah sejarah A.S., laman web ini mungkin paling berguna sebagai pelengkap kursus sarjana muda dalam sejarah perubatan, yang semakin banyak ditawarkan di sekolah-sekolah di seluruh Amerika Syarikat kerana jumlah sejarah sains dan jabatan perubatan terus bertambah. Bahan-bahan ini juga dapat digunakan untuk memberi perhatian kepada tema dan topik yang dibahas dalam kursus sejarah dunia, seperti interaksi budaya antara masyarakat, atau kesan penyakit dan teknologi perubatan terhadap demografi dan persekitaran.

Bagi mereka yang berminat dengan bahan lain yang mungkin digunakan secara langsung di dalam kelas, setiap tema merangkumi & # 8220 ciri interaktif, & # 8221 aktiviti pendek yang memerlukan beberapa input pengguna. Kedalaman intelektual dan sifat inovatif ciri interaktif ini & # 8212 sukar difahami & # 8212variasi. Seseorang mencabar pelajar untuk berfikir secara historis mengenai logik di sebalik kaedah dan peraturan wabak abad ke-14. Namun, tanpa perancah yang mencukupi, pelajar hanya akan menebak mengapa, misalnya, peraturan wabak melarang warga mandi atau memakan daging.

& # 8220Koleksi Saya & # 8221 memudahkan lagi penerapan bilik darjah. Pengguna dapat membuat akaun, menyimpan gambar, dan membuat dokumen dan kuis berdasarkan objek.

mencari sejarah dunia | membongkar bukti | menganalisis dokumen | sumber pengajaran | kira-kira

Projek Pusat Sejarah dan Media Baru, George Mason University,
dengan sokongan dari National Endowment for the Humanities dan Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation
& salin 2003-2005 pusat sejarah & amp media baru


Pengaruh iklim terhadap sejarah Eropah

Kita semua pernah mendengar kisah Hannibal menyeberangi Alps - tetapi adakah tepat? Pada tahun 218 SM, jeneral Carthaginia melintasi kawasan pergunungan tertinggi di Eropah dengan 37 gajah, ribuan penunggang kuda dan sepuluh dari ribuan askar kaki untuk melawan Rom. Semua gajah selamat dari penderitaan ini. Adakah ini mungkin?

Kini lebih banyak kisah akan terungkap. Satu kajian baru, yang diterbitkan dalam majalah Science, memberikan sejarah iklim yang tepat tahun demi tahun di Eropah selama 2,500 tahun yang lalu. Seperti yang ditunjukkan dari kajian, pada musim panas 218 SM, cuaca sangat panas. Kisah penyeberangan Hannibal di Alps mendapat kredibiliti.

Peristiwa-peristiwa lain juga dapat diperiksa terhadap kajian tersebut dan memperolehnya argumen baru untuk menyatukan atau membatalkannya: mengapa kebuluran, pengembaraan orang, wabak dan perang berlaku? Sering kali, perubahan drastik dalam cuaca dan iklim mungkin telah mempengaruhi perubahan yang sama dalam sejarah, kata para sejarawan.

Penyelidik Ulf Büntgen dari Institut Penyelidikan Alam Sekitar Switzerland WSL di Bern dan Jan Esper dari University of Mainz telah menyusun maklumat yang terdapat dalam hampir 9,000 keping kayu - dan merupakan arkib iklim yang unik. Lingkaran pokok memberitahu kami tentang cuaca di masa lalu: setiap tahun pokok menambah cincin baru, seluasnya memberikan maklumat berharga mengenai suhu dan pemendakan - bergantung pada lokasi di mana pokok itu tumbuh.

Hasil kajian yang paling penting adalah:

* Zaman bersejarah sesuai dengan kitaran iklim: berkembangnya Empayar Rom dan kerajaan Jerman bertepatan dengan masa-masa yang panas seperti masa-masa buruk seperti pencerobohan, perang Wabak dan Tiga Puluh Tahun yang berlaku dalam keadaan cuaca yang buruk.
* Eropah Tengah mengalami pada zaman Rom dan pada Zaman Pertengahan yang panas seperti zaman sekarang. Namun musim panas tahun 2003 tetap luar biasa: musim panas yang paling panas di wilayah Alpine dalam 2.500 tahun.
* Jumlah hujan di Eropah Tengah jauh lebih berbeza dari satu tahun ke tahun yang lain di Zaman Kuno dan pada Zaman Pertengahan daripada yang berlaku hari ini, lebih-lebih lagi, keadaan ekstrem lebih ketara.

"Koordinasi yang tepat antara iklim dan sejarah ditinggalkan oleh ahli sejarah", kata Ulf Büntgen. Namun kajian menunjukkan persamaan yang luar biasa antara cuaca dan sejarah. Dan semua yang berlaku di Jerman dan Eropah selama 2,500 tahun terakhir ini dapat dihadapi dengan data tersebut.

Ini adalah permulaan baru setelah kesejukan: ketika di pertengahan milenium pertama SM Eropah muncul dari pergolakan akhir Zaman ais terakhir, suhu rata-rata tahunan di Eropah meletakkan satu hingga dua darjah Celsius lebih rendah daripada hari ini.

Ketika pada tahun 300 SM cuaca perlahan meningkat dan hujan menjadi semakin lebat, Kerajaan Rom mulai berkembang. Iklim membantu kenaikan Rom. Hasil tanaman bertambah baik, lombong dapat dibuka. Apabila pergunungan Alps dapat dilintasi sepanjang tahun, Eropah Utara dapat diakses dan diserap.

Dari tempoh ini sahaja Büntgen dan Esper dan pasukan mereka telah menganalisis kira-kira 550 sampel kayu. Dari luas cincin di oak, mereka membaca jumlah curah hujan di Musim Semi dan pada bulan Jun, dari cincin di lark dan pinus, suhu musim panas. Mereka tidak dapat memberikan maklumat mengenai cuaca pada musim lain, kerana pokok hanya tumbuh pada musim panas.

Setiap cincin dapat dipadankan tepat dengan tahun tertentu. Bagi penyelidik kini mempunyai rangkaian cincin pokok bertanggal dari ribuan tahun yang lalu. Büntgen et al. telah memasukkan sampel mereka sendiri ke dalam siri ini.

Batang pokok untuk sejarah pemendakan diangkat sebagian besar di Jerman dan Perancis Timur, misalnya di dasar sungai dan penggalian arkeologi. Untuk arkib suhu, hanya pokok-pokok di pinggir hutan yang dapat dipertimbangkan kerana pertumbuhannya bergantung pada suhu. Semua pokok lain lebih bergantung pada pemendakan.

Para penyelidik hanya menggunakan sampel dari pokok dari wilayah Alpine tetapi data mereka juga berlaku untuk sebahagian besar Eropah Tengah, Perancis, Itali dan Balkan - seperti yang ditunjukkan oleh pengukuran suhu perbandingan pada abad XX.

Data menunjukkan dari abad keempat Masihi, kemerosotan iklim: Eropah tengah dan selatan menjadi sejuk dan kering. Sejarawan bercakap mengenai "puncak iklim dari pengembaraan orang-orang iaitu Pencerobohan Barbarian." Sudah tentu mereka tahu bahawa itu dipicu oleh pengembaraan orang-orang Hun, yang membuat orang Jerman, Goth dan orang lain dalam perjalanan. Namun, terbukti bahwa iklim, kegagalan tanaman, kelaparan, dan wabak penyakit membuat pemindahan lebih mendesak, juga bagi kaum Hun.

Suhu terus turun, dan pengendapan terus berkurang. Hakisan tanah atas adalah akibatnya, ladang menghasilkan lebih sedikit. Hujan kembali pada abad keempat tetapi cuaca tetap sejuk dan glasier bertambah besar.

Krisis terburuk dialami di Eropah pada tahun 536 hingga 546, ketika suhu musim panas menjunam ke paras terendah. "Data kami menunjukkan pada masa ini kemurungan luar biasa yang berlangsung selama satu dekad," menurut Büntgen. Baru-baru ini, ahli geologi menyatakan bahawa penyebabnya mungkin adalah kesan meteorit di luar pantai Australia.

Pada abad keenam krisis berlanjutan, penduduk Eropah "tenggelam ke tahap terendah sepanjang masa, tidak pernah dapat dihubungi lagi," kata sejarawan Wolfgang Behringer dari University of Saarbrücken, Saarland. Ahli arkeologi mendapati di Eropah sejumlah besar penempatan terbengkalai. Analisis debunga menunjukkan pengunduran pertanian yang kuat, hutan maju.

Ini adalah waktu beku, seperti yang ditunjukkan oleh data iklim baru. Akibatnya sangat mengerikan: pada tahun kelaparan 784 sepertiga penduduk Eropah mungkin telah mati. "Itu musim panas yang agak sejuk," menurut diagnosis Büntgen. "Dengan kemerosotan iklim di Eropah, bukan hanya tanaman tetapi ternak binasa," menurut sejarawan Behringer. Setiap kegagalan tanaman menyebabkan kebuluran. Sejuk, kelembapan ditambahkan pada abad kesembilan: hujan yang tidak berkesudahan menyiapkan wabak penyakit seperti kusta.

Itu adalah masa serigala. Kelaparan membawa mereka ke Eropah Tengah, kerana di tanah air mereka di Rusia, iklim juga semakin merosot. Binatang-binatang itu mengelilingi kampung-kampung. "Perang melawan binatang yang diperlakukan terus dilakukan dengan segala kemungkinan senjata, perangkap, pemburuan, racun," kata Behringer. Charlemagne memerintahkan penubuhan unit pemburu serigala di setiap daerah. Pada tahun kelaparan 843 seekor serigala memecah khidmat massa Ahad di bandar Senonnais di Perancis. Büntgen mengesahkan: "843 lebih sejuk daripada tahun-tahun sebelum atau sesudahnya."

Pada pertengahan abad kesepuluh iklim berubah menjadi lebih baik, iklim optimum Abad Pertengahan menetap. Data baru menunjukkan bahawa suhu di Eropah meningkat menjadi setara dengan suhu yang dilihat lagi hanya pada abad kedua puluh . Garis pokok di Pegunungan Alpen berada di banyak tempat bahkan lebih tinggi dari hari ini dan anggur ditanam lebih jauh ke Utara daripada pada awal abad ke-21. Masa penemuan bermula: Viking berlayar ke Greenland ke Amerika.

Pertanian pulih, kebuluran menjadi semakin jarang. Dalam 150 tahun, populasi di Eropah meningkat satu pertiga. Di bawah maharaja Hohenstaufen kerajaan Jerman mencapai puncaknya: Frederic II. menetap di Sicily. Di istananya, ahli falsafah, saintis dan seniman bercampur pemikiran dan ucapan menjadi lebih bebas. Dari Arab juga datang para saintis, yang telah menyimpan dan mengembangkan pengetahuan berharga dari zaman kuno. Seni bina berubah: Katedral gothic dilengkapi dengan tingkap besar untuk memanfaatkan cahaya matahari.

Beberapa catatan sejarah perlu dipertimbangkan semula, berdasarkan data baru. Di Nuremberg pada tahun 1022, seorang burger mendakwa bahawa "dari panas terik orang-orang runtuh dan mati kehausan di jalanan." Namun, musim panas 1022 tidak begitu panas, kata Büntgen. Keterlaluan? Atau adakah kepanasan kejam dalam jangka pendek sehingga tidak terdaftar di cincin pokok? Peristiwa lain menemui penjelasan dan penegasan: misalnya pada tahun 1135, terdapat sedikit hujan, yang mengesahkan laporan bahawa Danube hampir kering. Orang-orang di Regensburg, Jerman, memanfaatkannya untuk membina Jambatan Batu yang hebat, yang masih menjadi simbol bandar mereka.

Petunjuk lain juga disahkan: pada 9 September 1302, kebun anggur membeku di Alsace dan setelah musim sejuk yang sangat sejuk, petani di Jerman mendapati pada 2 Mei 1303 bahawa semua stok benih mereka telah membeku. Mereka belum tahu bagaimana perkara buruk akan berlaku.

Data iklim baru adalah catatan bencana bencana besar yang melanda Eropah. Mereka menunjukkan pada abad ke-14 kejadian musim panas yang banyak. Pada tahun 1314, hujan diluvian dan musim sejuk yang keras muncul di atasnya.

Di sebalik data, kejadian kejam muncul: ia bermula dengan kehilangan tanaman kerana cuaca. Dari tahun 1315 hingga 1335 populasi "Great Hunger" merosot. Pada tahun 1315, kuda dan anjing dimakan. 1346 dan 1347 sangat sejuk, anggur membeku, biji-bijian busuk. Penduduk yang lemah telah mengurangkan daya tahan terhadap wabak: mungkin dari China, "Kematian Hitam" tiba. Antara tahun 1346 dan 1352, separuh penduduk Eropah mati.

Di selatan pergunungan, suhu merosot kurang mendadak. Ini mungkin salah satu sebab mengapa Renaissance ("Kelahiran Kembali") dapat berkembang di sana. Para ahli falsafah kuno kembali menghormati, perbankan berkembang dan borjuasi dapat bersaing dengan golongan bangsawan dengan keyakinan diri yang baru dijumpai.

Renaissance tidak mudah melintasi Alps. Di Utara kekuatan kepercayaan yang gelap masih ada. Gereja menyalahkan ahli sihir untuk tanaman dan penyakit yang buruk dan menyebabkan wanita dibakar dengan banyaknya. Pada tahun 1524 petani memberontak menentang golongan bangsawan.

Ia menjadi lebih sejuk. Zaman ais kecil telah bermula. Sekitar akhir abad ke-17, Eropah mengalami kebuluran. Pada tahun 1709 cuaca memicu salah satu malapetaka terburuk: di sungai "gelombang dingin 1709" yang kejam membeku walaupun di Portugal, pokok palma di Eropah Selatan ditutupi salji. Sungai-sungai membawa sejumlah besar ikan beku, lembu membeku hingga mati di kandang kuda, rusa mati tergeletak di ladang dan burung dikatakan jatuh sebagai gumpalan beku dari langit. Pada musim panas tahun 1710, lelaki dilihat "merumput" di ladang "seperti domba," kata kronik.

Pencerahan disertai dengan pemanasan iklim. "Kelaparan sekarang dilihat sebagai akibat salah urus," kata Behringer. Petani mengambil tanaman bergilir, pengairan ditingkatkan, jalan dan tanggul yang lebih baik dibangun, tambatan kering. Revolusi agraria menunjukkan bahawa kelaparan menjadi lebih jarang. "

Peningkatan ini tidak membantu mengatasi kebuluran pada pertengahan abad ke-19 (kebuluran Ireland) yang disebabkan oleh kemelesetan iklim yang pendek.

Sejak sekian lama, para ahli telah berselisih pendapat mengenai akibat perubahan iklim di masa depan: adakah perubahan akan membawa malapetaka baru, atau pemanasan untuk kebaikan? "Perubahan iklim yang cepat sering menimbulkan kesan negatif masyarakat," kata Ulf Büntgen. Data baru ini akan memberikan banyak maklumat kepada sejarawan untuk menemui dan mengkaji hubungan tersebut.


Wabak, kelaparan dan kematian mengejut: 10 bahaya pada zaman pertengahan

Ini adalah salah satu era yang paling menarik, bergolak dan transformatif dalam sejarah, tetapi Zaman Pertengahan juga penuh dengan bahaya. Ahli sejarah Dr Katharine Olson mendedahkan 10 risiko terbesar yang dihadapi orang…

Pertandingan ini kini ditutup

Diterbitkan: 10 Julai 2020 jam 4:00 petang

Wabak

Wabak itu adalah salah satu pembunuh terbesar pada Zaman Pertengahan - ia memberi kesan buruk kepada penduduk Eropah pada abad ke-14 dan ke-15. Juga dikenali sebagai Black Death, wabak (disebabkan oleh bakteria yang disebut Yersinia pestis) dibawa oleh kutu yang paling sering dijumpai pada tikus. Ia tiba di Eropah pada tahun 1348, dan ribuan orang mati di tempat-tempat mulai dari Itali, Perancis dan Jerman hingga Skandinavia, England, Wales, Sepanyol dan Rusia.

Wabak bubonic yang mematikan menyebabkan pembengkakan (buboes) yang meleleh ke seluruh badan. Dengan wabak septicaemia, mangsa menderita kulit yang berwarna gelap (berubah menjadi hitam) akibat toksin dalam aliran darah (salah satu sebab mengapa wabak itu kemudian disebut 'Black Death'). Wabak paru-paru yang sangat menular dapat dijangkiti hanya dengan bersin atau meludah, dan menyebabkan paru-paru mangsa terisi.

Kematian Hitam membunuh antara satu pertiga dan separuh daripada penduduk Eropah. Orang-orang sezaman tidak tahu, tentu saja, apa yang menyebabkan wabak itu atau bagaimana untuk mengelakkannya. Mereka mencari penjelasan mengenai krisis kemarahan Tuhan, dosa manusia, dan kumpulan orang luar / marginal, terutama orang Yahudi. Sekiranya anda dijangkiti wabak bubonic, anda mempunyai kemungkinan 70-80 persen mati dalam minggu berikutnya. Di England, daripada setiap ratus orang, mungkin 35-40 orang boleh menjangkakan kematian akibat wabak itu.

Akibat wabak itu, jangka hayat pada akhir abad ke-14 Florence berada di bawah 20 tahun - separuh daripada yang telah terjadi pada tahun 1300. Dari pertengahan abad ke-14 dan seterusnya, ribuan orang dari seluruh Eropah - dari London dan Paris ke Ghent, Mainz dan Siena - meninggal dunia. Sebilangan besar dari mereka adalah kanak-kanak, yang paling rentan terhadap penyakit ini.

Baca lebih lanjut

Melancong

Orang-orang pada zaman pertengahan menghadapi banyak bahaya yang berpotensi ketika melakukan perjalanan.

Tempat yang selamat dan bersih untuk tidur atas permintaan sukar dijumpai. Pelancong sering tidur di tempat terbuka - ketika melakukan perjalanan pada musim sejuk, mereka berisiko mati beku. Dan semasa melakukan perjalanan secara berkumpulan memberikan keselamatan, seseorang masih boleh dirompak atau dibunuh oleh orang asing - atau bahkan rakan pelancong.

Makanan dan minuman tidak disediakan kecuali jika pelancong telah menemui sebuah penginapan, biara, atau penginapan lain. Keracunan makanan adalah risiko walaupun begitu, dan jika anda kehabisan makanan, anda harus mencari makan, mencuri, atau lapar.

Pelancong abad pertengahan juga dapat terjebak dalam perselisihan atau perang tempatan atau wilayah, dan cedera atau dijebloskan ke penjara. Kekurangan pengetahuan tentang bahasa asing juga boleh menyebabkan masalah penafsiran.

Penyakit dan penyakit juga boleh berbahaya, malah boleh membawa maut. Sekiranya seseorang menjadi tidak sihat di jalan raya, tidak ada jaminan bahawa rawatan perubatan yang baik - atau memang ada - dapat diterima.

Dengarkan: Elma Brenner dari Perpustakaan Wellcome meneliti keadaan penjagaan kesihatan pada Zaman Pertengahan dan mendedahkan beberapa ubat luar biasa yang ditawarkan untuk orang yang mengalami kecederaan atau penyakit:

Pelancong juga mungkin menjadi mangsa kemalangan. Sebagai contoh, terdapat risiko lemas ketika menyeberangi sungai - bahkan maharaja Rom Suci, Frederick I, lemas pada tahun 1190 ketika menyeberangi sungai Saleph semasa Perang Salib Ketiga. Kemalangan juga mungkin berlaku semasa ketibaan: di Rom semasa jubli 1450, bencana melanda ketika kira-kira 200 orang di kerumunan besar yang menyeberangi jambatan Sant Sant Angelo yang terhempas jatuh dan tenggelam.

Walaupun lebih cepat melakukan perjalanan melalui laut daripada darat, melangkah ke kapal menimbulkan risiko yang besar: ribut dapat menimbulkan bencana, atau navigasi boleh menjadi serba salah, dan kapal kayu abad pertengahan yang digunakan tidak selalu setara dengan cabaran laut. Namun, menjelang abad pertengahan, perjalanan laut menjadi lebih cepat dan selamat daripada sebelumnya.

Pengembara rata-rata pada abad pertengahan boleh mengharapkan untuk menempuh jarak 15–25 batu sehari dengan berjalan kaki atau 20–30 kuda, sementara kapal layar mungkin membuat jarak 75–125 batu sehari.

Kelaparan

Kelaparan adalah bahaya yang sangat nyata bagi lelaki dan wanita abad pertengahan. Menghadapi bekalan makanan yang berkurang kerana cuaca buruk dan panen yang buruk, orang kelaparan atau hampir tidak dapat bertahan hidup dengan ransum yang sedikit seperti kulit kayu, buah beri dan jagung dan gandum rendah yang dirosakkan oleh cendawan.

Mereka yang makan begitu sedikit mengalami kekurangan zat makanan, dan oleh itu sangat terdedah kepada penyakit. Sekiranya mereka tidak mati kelaparan, mereka sering mati akibat wabak yang berlaku setelah kebuluran. Penyakit seperti tuberkulosis, penyakit berpeluh, cacar, disentri, demam kepialu, selesema, demam gondok dan gastrointestinal boleh dan membunuh.

Kelaparan Besar pada awal abad ke-14 sangat teruk: perubahan iklim menyebabkan suhu yang lebih sejuk daripada suhu rata-rata di Eropah dari tahun1300 - "Zaman Ais Kecil". Dalam tujuh tahun antara 1315 dan 1322, Eropah barat menyaksikan hujan yang sangat lebat, sehingga 150 hari pada satu masa.

Petani berjuang untuk menanam, menanam dan menuai tanaman. Tanaman yang sedikit tumbuh sering cendawan, dan / atau sangat mahal. Hasilnya, makanan utama, roti, menjadi bahaya. Ini juga berlaku bersamaan dengan cuaca musim sejuk yang sangat sejuk.

Sekurang-kurangnya 10 peratus - mungkin hampir 15 peratus - orang di England mati dalam tempoh ini.

Bersalin

Hari ini, dengan faedah imbasan ultrasound, epidural dan pemantauan janin, risiko ibu dan bayi semasa mengandung dan melahirkan adalah rendah sepanjang masa. Namun, pada zaman pertengahan, melahirkan sangat berbahaya.

Penyampaian bayi pada waktu bersalin sering terbukti membawa maut kepada ibu dan anak. Tenaga kerja dapat berlangsung selama beberapa hari, dan beberapa wanita akhirnya meninggal dunia kerana keletihan. Walaupun bahagian caesar diketahui, mereka tidak biasa selain ketika ibu bayi itu sudah mati atau mati, dan mereka tidak semestinya berjaya.

Bidan, bukannya doktor terlatih, biasanya menghadiri wanita hamil. Mereka menolong ibu-ibu semasa bersalin dan, jika diperlukan, dapat melakukan pembaptisan kecemasan pada bayi yang berisiko mati. Sebilangan besar tidak mendapat latihan formal, tetapi bergantung pada pengalaman praktikal yang diperoleh sejak bertahun-tahun melahirkan bayi.

Ibu baru mungkin bertahan bersalin, tetapi boleh mati akibat pelbagai jangkitan dan komplikasi selepas bersalin. Peralatan sangat asas, dan campur tangan manual adalah biasa. Status tidak menjadi penghalang kepada masalah ini - bahkan Jane Seymour, isteri ketiga Henry VIII, meninggal dunia sejurus melahirkan Edward VI pada 1537.

Bayi dan kanak-kanak

Bayi sangat berbahaya semasa Zaman Pertengahan - kematian sangat tinggi. Berdasarkan catatan bertulis yang masih ada, para sarjana menganggarkan bahawa 20-30 persen kanak-kanak di bawah tujuh tahun meninggal, tetapi angka sebenarnya hampir lebih tinggi.

Bayi dan kanak-kanak di bawah usia tujuh tahun sangat terdedah kepada kesan kekurangan zat makanan, penyakit, dan pelbagai jangkitan. They might die due to smallpox, whooping cough, accidents, measles, tuberculosis, influenza, bowel or stomach infections, and much more. The majority of those struck down by the plague were also children. Nor, with chronic malnutrition, did the breast milk of medieval mothers carry the same immunity and other benefits of breast milk today.

Being born into a family of wealth or status did not guarantee a long life either. We know that in ducal families in England between 1330 and 1479, for example, one third of children died before the age of five.

Bad weather

The vast majority of the medieval population was rural rather than urban, and the weather was of the utmost importance for those who worked or otherwise depended on the land. But as well as jeopardising livelihoods, bad weather could kill.

Consistently poor weather could lead to problems sowing and growing crops, and ultimately the failure of the harvest. If summers were wet and cold, the grain crop could be destroyed. This was a major problem, as cereal grains were the main food source for most of the population.

With less of this on hand, various problems would occur, including grain shortages, people eating inferior grain, and inflation, which resulted in hunger, starvation, disease, and higher death rates.

This was especially the case from the 14th through to the 16th centuries, when the ice pack grew. By 1550, there had been an expansion of glaciers worldwide. This meant people faced the devastating effects of weather that was both colder and wetter.

Medieval men and women were therefore eager to ensure that weather conditions stayed favourable. In Europe, there were rituals for ploughing, sowing seeds, and the harvesting of crops, as well as special prayers, charms, services, and processions to ensure good weather and the fertility of the fields. Certain saints were thought to protect against the frost (St Servais), have power over the wind (St Clement) or the rain and droughts (St Elias/Elijah) and generally the power of the saints and the Virgin Mary were believed to protect against storms and lightning.

People also believed the weather was not merely a natural occurrence. Bad weather could be caused by the behaviour of wicked people, like murder, sin, incest, or family quarrels. It could also be linked to witches and sorcerers, who were thought to control the weather and destroy crops. They could, according to one infamous treatise on witches – the Malleus Maleficarum, published in 1486 – fly in the air and conjure storms (including hailstorms and tempests), raise winds and cause lightning that could kill people and animals.

Violence

Whether as witnesses, victims or perpetrators, people from the highest ranks of society to the lowest experienced violence as an omnipresent danger in daily life.

Medieval violence took many forms. Street violence and brawls in taverns were not uncommon. Vassals might also revolt against their lords. Likewise, urban unrest also led to uprisings – for example, the lengthy rebellion of peasants in Flanders of 1323–28, or the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 in England.

Medieval records demonstrate the presence of other types of violence also: rape, assault and murder were not uncommon, nor was accidental homicide. One example is the case of Maud Fras, who was hit on the head and killed by a large stone accidentally dropped on her head at Montgomery Castle in Wales in 1288.

Blood feuds between families that extended over generations were very much evident. So was what we know today as domestic violence. Local or regional disputes over land, money or other issues could also lead to bloodshed, as could the exercise of justice. Innocence or guilt in trials were at times decided by combat ordeals (duels to the death). In medieval Wales, political or dynastic rivals might be blinded, killed or castrated by Welsh noblemen to consolidate their positions.

Killing and other acts of violence in warfare were also omnipresent, from smaller regional wars to larger-scale crusades from the end of the 11th century, fought by many countries at once. Death tolls in battle could be high: the deadliest clash of the Wars of the Roses, the battle of Towton (1461), claimed between 9,000 and 30,000 lives, according to contemporary reports.

Heresy

It could also be dangerous to disagree. People who held theological or religious opinions that were believed to go against the teachings of the Christian church were seen as heretics in medieval Christian Europe. These groups included Jews, Muslims and medieval Christians whose beliefs were considered to be unorthodox, like the Cathars.

Kings, missionaries, crusaders, merchants and others – especially from the late 11th century – sought to ensure the victory of Christendom in the Mediterranean world. The First Crusade (1096–99) aimed to capture Jerusalem – and finally did so in 1099. Yet the city was soon lost, and further crusades had to be launched in a bid to regain it.

Jews and Muslims also suffered persecution, expulsion and death in Christian Europe. In England, anti-Semitism resulted in massacres of Jews in York and London in the late 12th century, and Edward I banished all Jews from England in 1290 – they were only permitted to return in the mid-1600s.

From the eighth century, efforts were also made to retake Iberia from Muslim rule, but it was not until 1492 that the entire peninsula was recaptured. This was part of an attempt in Spain to establish a united, single Christian faith and suppress heresy, which involved setting up the Spanish Inquisition in 1478. As a result, the Jews were expelled from Spain in 1492, and Muslims were only allowed to stay if they converted to Christianity.

Holy wars were also waged on Christians who were widely considered to be heretics. The Albigensian Crusade was directed at the Cathars (based chiefly in southern France) from 1209–29 – and massacres and more inquisitions and executions followed in the later 13th and 14th centuries.

Hunting

Hunting was an important pastime for medieval royalty and the aristocracy, and skill in the sport was greatly admired. The emperor Charlemagne was recorded as greatly enjoying hunting in the early ninth century, and in England William the Conqueror sought to establish royal forests where he could indulge in his love of the hunt. But hunting was not without risks.

Hunters could easily be injured or killed by accidents. They might fall from their horse, be pierced by an arrow, be mauled by the horns of stags or tusks of boars, or attacked by bears.

Status certainly did not guarantee safety. Many examples exist of kings and nobles who met tragic ends as a result of hunting. The Byzantine emperor Basil I died in 886 after apparently having his belt impaled on the horns of a stag and being dragged more than 15 miles before being freed.

In 1100, King William II (William Rufus) was famously killed by an arrow in a supposed hunting accident in the New Forest. Likewise, in 1143, King Fulk of Jerusalem died in a hunting accident at Acre, when his horse stumbled and his head was crushed by his saddle.

Early or sudden death

Sudden or premature death was common in the medieval period. Most people died young, but death rates could vary based on factors like status, wealth, location (higher death rates are seen in urban settlements), and possibly gender. Adults died from various causes, including plague, tuberculosis, malnutrition, famine, warfare, sweating sickness and infections.

Wealth did not guarantee a long life. Surprisingly, well-fed monks did not necessarily live as long as some peasants. Peasants in the English manor of Halesowen might hope to reach the age of 50, but by contrast poor tenants in same manor could hope to live only about 40 years. Those of even lower status (cottagers) could live a mere 30 years.

By the second half of the 14th century, peasants there were living five to seven years longer than in the previous 50 years. However, the average life expectancy for ducal families in England between 1330 and 1479 generally was only 24 years for men and 33 for women. In Florence, laypeople in the late 1420s could expect to live only 28.5 years (men) and 29.5 years (women).

Dying a ‘good’ death was very important to medieval people, and was the subject of many books. People often worried about ‘sudden death’ (whether in battle, from natural causes, by execution, or an accident) and what would happen to those who died without time to prepare and receive the last rites. Written charms, for example, were thought to provide protection against sudden death – whether against death in battle, poison, lightning, fire, water, fever or other dangers.

Dr Katharine Olson is a lecturer in medieval and early modern history at Bangor University


Mati dalam kekejaman

This inquiry is framed by the compelling question “Can disease change the world?” Among the many catastrophic global pandemics in history, perhaps none achieved the notoriety of the Black Death. The Black Death was a massive outbreak of the bubonic plague caused by infectious bacteria. Thought by scientists to have been spread by contaminated fleas on rats and/or other rodents, the Black Death quickly decimated entire families and communities. In doing so, the Black Death led more than one observer of the time to ponder whether the apocalypse had begun. The Black Death began and first spread on the Silk Roads through central Asia in the early 14th century, and by mid-century moved via merchant ships into North Africa and Europe, where it would kill nearly one-half of the population. It took almost 150 years for Europe’s population to recover. By investigating the compelling question “Can disease change the world?” students consider the causes, symptoms, and reasons for the rapid geographic expansion of the disease and how this pandemic affected people of the 14th century and beyond. Through their investigation of sources in this inquiry, students should develop an understanding of the consequences of the Black Death and an informed awareness of the importance of preparing for future diseases and possible pandemics.

Compelling Question:

Can Disease Change the World?

Staging the Question:

Supporting Question What was the Black Death?

Formative Task Write a description of the Black Death that includes its symptoms and where outbreaks occurred in Europe and Asia.

Sources Source A: Excerpts from Decameron
Source B: Illustration of the Black Death

Supporting Question How did the Black Death spread so quickly?

Formative Task Construct a diagram illustrating how the Black Death spread.

Sources Source A: Plague Ecology visual
Source B: Map depicting spread of the Black Death

Supporting Question How did the Black Death affect people in the 14th century?

Formative Task Create an annotated illustration depicting how the Black Death affected different groups of people in the 14th century.

Sources Source A: Bubonic plague statistics
Source B: Illustration of the persecution of Jews during the Black Death
Source C: Social and Economic Effects of the Plague


Pre-Columbian treponemal disease from 14th century AD Safed, Israel, and implications for the medieval eastern Mediterranean

In 1912, 68 medieval crania were excavated from a cave at Safed in the eastern Mediterranean and brought to the United Kingdom. It is only recently that these skulls have been studied for evidence of disease. One adult individual demonstrates multiple lesions of the cranial vault, compatible with treponematosis. Radiocarbon dating suggests the year of death to be between 1290–1420 AD. This range equates to the mamluk period, just after the crusades. This is the oldest dated case of treponematosis in the Middle East, and the first to confirm its presence there before the epidemiologically important transatlantic voyage of Christopher Columbus. The finding has significant implications for our understanding of the introduction of the disease to the Middle East and of the medieval diagnosis of ulcerating skin conditions by medical practitioners in the Mediterranean world. Am J Phys Anthropol 121:000–000, 2003. © 2003 Wiley-Liss, Inc.


14th century Zodiac Man

The Zodiac Man or Man of Signs (homo signorum in Latin) is an age-old diagram that relates the calendar and the movement of the heavenly bodies to the human body. Sections of the body are labeled with the twelve zodiacal signs, beginning with Aries, which ruled the head, and ending with Pisces associated with the feet. This illustration demonstrates centuries of connections between astrology and human personality, health, sickness, and medical treatments. For example, Leo is associated with the heart because tradition says the strength the lion was located in its heart. Scorpio is associated with the genitals because a scorpion’s strength was located in its tail. While some of these diagrams were accompanied by a basic explanation of the associations between the body and the heavens, most did not, assuming these astrological theories governing health care were widely accepted and understood.

To learn more about the history of medicine and questionable cures, see Discovering Quacks, Utopias, and Cemeteries


4. Washing Hands and Surfaces

Washing your hands to reduce the spread of disease is an accepted part of hygiene now, but frequent hand washing was a bit of a novelty during the early 20th century. To encourage the practice, "powder rooms," or ground-floor bathrooms, were first installed as a way to protect families from germs brought in by guests and ubiquitous delivery people dropping off goods like coal, milk and ice. 

Previously, these visitors would have traveled through the home to use the bathroom, tracking outside germs with them. (Typhoid Mary infamously spread the disease from which she earns her nickname by not properly washing her hands before handling food.)

Germ theory was a relatively new concept brought to light in the mid-1800s by Louis Pasteur, Joseph Lister, and Robert Koch that held that disease was caused by microorganisms invisible to the naked eye. Having a sink on the ground floor made it easier to wash your hands upon returning home.

Speaking of health and design, there’s a reason why hospitals, subways and 1920s bathrooms were often tiled in pristine white: White tiles are easy to clean and make any dirt or grime highly visible.


Did the Black Death Rampage Across the World a Century Earlier Than Previously Thought?

For over 20 years, I’ve been telling the same story to students whenever I teach European history. At some point in the 14th century, the bacterium Yersinia pestis somehow moved out of the rodent population in western China and became wildly infectious and lethal to humans. This bacterium caused the Black Death, a plague pandemic that moved from Asia to Europe in just a few decades, wiping out one-third to one-half of all human life wherever it touched. Although the plague pandemic definitely happened, the story I’ve been teaching about when, where, and the history of the bacterium has apparently been incomplete, at best.

Kandungan Berkaitan

In December, the historian Monica Green published a landmark article, The Four Black Deaths, di dalam Kajian Sejarah Amerika, that rewrites our narrative of this brutal and transformative pandemic. In it, she identifies a “big bang” that created four distinct genetic lineages that spread separately throughout the world and finds concrete evidence that the plague was already spreading in Asia in the 1200s. This discovery pushes the origins of the Black Death back by over a hundred years, meaning that the first wave of the plague was not a decades-long explosion of horror, but a disease that crept across the continents for over a hundred years until it reached a crisis point.

As the world reels beneath the strains of its own global pandemic, the importance of understanding how humans interact with nature both today and throughout the relatively short history of our species becomes more critical. Green tells me that diseases like the plague and arguably SARS-CoV-2 ( before it transferred into humans in late 2019 causing Covid-19 ) are not human diseases, because the organism doesn’t rely on human hosts for reproduction (unlike human-adapted malaria or tuberculosis). They are zoonotic, or animal diseases, but humans are still the carriers and transporters of the bacteria from one site to the other, turning an endemic animal disease into a deadly human one.

The Black Death, as Monica Green tells me, is “one of the few things that people learn about the European Middle Ages.” For scholars, the fast 14th-century story contained what Green calls a “black hole.” When she began her career in the 1980s, we didn’t really know “when it happened, how it happened, [or] where it came from!” Now we have a much clearer picture.

“The Black Death and other pre-modern plague outbreaks were something everyone learned about in school, or joked about in a Monty Python-esque way. It wasn't something that most of the general public would have considered particularly relevant to modernity or to their own lives,” says Lisa Fagin Davis, executive director of the Medieval Academy of America. But now, “with the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic, suddenly medieval plagues became relevant to everyone everywhere.”

The project that culminated in Green’s article unfolded over many years. She says that the first step required paleogenetic analysis of known victims of the plague, including a critical study 2011. Paleogenetics is the study of preserved organic material—really any part of the body or the microbiome, down to the DNA—of long dead organisms. This means that if you can find a body, or preferably a lot of bodies, that you’re sure died in the Black Death, you can often access the DNA of the specific disease that killed them and compare it to both modern and other pre-modern strains.

This has paid off in numerous ways. First, as scientists mapped the genome, they first put to rest long lingering doubts about the role Y. pestis played in the Black Death (there was widespread but unsubstantiated speculation that other diseases were at fault). Scientists mapped the genome of the bacterium and began building a dataset that revealed how it had evolved over time. Green was in London in 2012 just as findings on the London plague cemetery came out confirming without a doubt both the identity of the bacterium and the specific genetic lineage of the plague that hit London in June 1348. “The Black Death cemetery in London is special because it was created to accommodate bodies from the Black Death,” she says, “and then when [the plague wave] passed, they closed the cemetery. We have the paperwork!”

Green established herself as the foremost expert in medieval women’s healthcare with her work on a medical treatise known as The Trotula. Her careful analysis of manuscript traditions revealed that some of the text was attributable to a southern Italian woman, Trota. Other sections, though, revealed male doctors’ attempts to take over the market for women’s health. It’s a remarkable text that prepared Green for her Black Death project not only by immersing her in the history of medicine, but methodologically as well. Her discipline of philology, the study of the development of texts over time, requires comparing manuscripts to each other, building a stemma, or genealogy of texts, from a parent or original manuscript. She tells me that this is precisely the same skill one needs to read phylogenetic trees of mutating bacteria in order to trace the history of the disease.

Still, placing the Black Death in 13th-century Asia required more than genetic data. Green needed a vector, and she hoped for textual evidence of an outbreak. She is careful to add that, when trying to find a disease in a historical moment, the “absence of evidence is not evidence of absence.” Her first step was to focus on a cute little rodent from the Mongolian steppe: the marmot.

Mongols hunted marmots for meat and leather (which was both lightweight and waterproof), and they brought their rodent preferences with them as the soon-to-be conquerors of Asia moved into the Tian Shan mountains around 1216 and conquered a people called the Qara Khitai (themselves refugees from Northern China). There, the Mongols would have encountered marmots who carried the strain of plague that would become the Black Death. Here, the “big bang” theory of bacterial mutation provides key evidence allowing us a new starting point for the Black Death. (To support this theory, her December article contains a 16-page appendix just on marmots!)

The phylogenetic findings were enough for Green to speculate about a 13th-century origin for the plague, but when it came to the mechanism of spread, all she had was conjecture—until she found a description of an outbreak at the end of the Mongol siege of Baghdad in 1258. Green is quick to note that she has relied on experts in many different languages to do this work, unsurprisingly since it traverses from China to the rock of Gibraltar, and from near the Arctic Circle to sub-Saharan Africa.

No one is expert in all the languages. What Green brought was a synthetic view that drew a narrative out of cutting-edge science and humanistic scholarship and the ability to recognize the significance of what she found when she opened a new translation of the Akhbār-i Moghūlān, atau Mongol News. This source was published for the first time in 2009 by the Iranian historian Iraj Afshar, but only translated into English in 2018 as The Mongols in Iran, by George Lane. The medieval Iranian source is something of a jumble, perhaps the surviving notes for a more organized text that didn’t survive. Still, the report on the Mongol siege, Green realized, held the key piece of evidence she’d been looking for. As she cites in her article, Mongol News describes pestilence so terrible that the “people of Baghdad could no longer cope with ablutions and burial of the dead, so bodies were thrown into the Tigris River.” But even more importantly for Green, Mongol News notes the presence of grain wagons, pounded millet, from the lands of the Qara Khitai.

Suddenly, the pieces fit together. “I’ve already got my eye on the Tian Shan mountains, where the marmots are,” she says, and of course marmot-Mongol interaction could cause plague there, but didn’t explain long-distance transmission. “The scenario I’m putting together in my head is some sort of spillover event. Marmots don’t hang around people. They’re wild animals that will not willingly interact with humans. So the biological scenario I had to come up with is whatever is in the marmots had to be transferred to another kind of rodent.”

With the grain supply from Tian Shan linked to plague outbreak in Baghdad, it’s easy to conjecture a bacterium moving from marmots to other rodents, those rodents riding along in grain, and the plague vector revealed. “That was my eureka moment,” she says.

She had put the correct strain of the bacteria at the right place at the right time so that one infected rodent in a grain wagon train revealed the means of distribution of plague.

“Throughout her career, Dr. Green has combined humanism and science in ways that have brought a more clear understanding of the origins and spread of plague,” says Davis, from the Medieval Academy. “Her collaborations with historians, geneticists, paleobiologists, archaeologists and others untangle the genetic complexities of plague strains.”

That kind of interdisciplinary work would have been significant to scholars at any moment, but right now takes on particular relevance. “[Green] has worked to undermine imprecise and simplistic plague narratives and to explain to a ready public the importance of understanding historic plagues in context,” adds Davis “[Her] voice has been critical as we try to make sense of our own modern-day plague.”

Green also sees the relevance, especially as her study of plague variants and pandemic came out just as new variants of the Covid-19 pathogen were manifesting around the world. She tells me that her work didn’t change because of Covid, but the urgency did. “Plague,” Green says, “is our best ‘model organism’ for studying the history of pandemics because the history of it is now so rich, with the documentary and archaeological record being supplemented by the genetic record. All the work the virologists were doing in sequencing and tracking SARS-CoV-2's spread and genetic evolution was exactly the same kind of work that could be done for tracking Yersinia pestis's evolution and movements in the past.”

She wants her fellow scholars to focus on human agency both in history—those Mongols and their wagon trains—and now. The history of the Black Death tells “a powerful story of our involvement in creating this pandemic: this wasn't Mother Nature just getting angry with us, let alone fate. It was human activity.”

The world is only now—thanks to Green and many others (see her long bibliography of scholars from a wide variety of disciplines, time periods, and parts of the world)—really getting a handle on the true history of the Black Death. Next, she tells me, she has an article coming out with Nahyan Fancy, a medieval Islamist, on further textual evidence of plague outbreaks to supplement the Mongol News. Many of these 13th-century sources were previously known, but if you start with the assumption that the plague couldn’t be present until the 14th century, you’d never find them.

She imagines scholars may find plague in other places, once they start looking. In the meantime, the stakes for understanding how diseases move remains crucial as we wrestle with our own pandemic. I ask her what she thinks it all means for a world today still grappling with a pandemic. She replies, with a harrowing, centuries-look ahead, “The story I have reconstructed about the Black Death is 100 percent an emerging infectious disease story. . an ‘emerging’ disease lasted for 500-600 years. & # 8221

About David M. Perry

David M. Perry is a freelance journalist covering politics, history, education, and disability rights. He was previously a professor of medieval history at Dominican University from 2006-2017.


Genetics as a Historicist Discipline: A New Player in Disease History

H istorians in Lab Coats&rdquo&mdashthat&rsquos the new epithet for the molecular biologists who have taken the limelight in the field of disease history. 1 This role is not limited to just recent disease history, where, for example, genetics is playing a major role in tracking the evolution and pathogen mutation in still-unfolding epidemics, such as HIV/AIDS, cholera, or Ebola. The most notable work, rather, has focused on my period, the Middle Ages. True, this research is usually still heralded in the &ldquoScience&rdquo section of major newspapers, rather than the &ldquoCulture&rdquo section, where historical studies (assuming they are reviewed at all) would normally appear. But the fact that history has come to be defined by breakthroughs made by scientists, rather than historians as traditionally defined, signals a sea change. One particular breakthrough in 2011 actually elicited an editorial in the New York Times, 2 which celebrated the complete sequencing of the bubonic plague bacterium from 14th-century remains in London, an achievement that finally closed decades of debate about what &ldquoreally&rdquo caused the Black Death.

Welcoming a new player onto the field of historical research is not something we traditionally trained historians always do gracefully. But I would argue that we should embrace our new sister discipline. Despite the hype in the popular press, the molecular genetics work that has contributed so substantively to the history of plague and several other disease histories hasn&rsquot pushed us off the playing field. It has an inherent limit: genetics tells us only the story of the pathogen. 3 It does not tell us how, in the case of plague, a single-celled organism came to be dispersed over half the globe in the medieval period (and around the whole globe by the beginning of the 20th century). It does not tell us about all the animal species&mdashnot simply rats, but also marmots and gerbils and maybe camels and storks&mdashthat helped transmit the organism thousands of miles from its place of origin. Least of all does it tell us how people reacted to such massive devastation, or why they looked to the stars, or local minority groups, in their search for explanations or objects of blame.

I have just finished editing a collection of essays unlike anything I ever imagined possible. The essays constitute the inaugural issue of a new journal, The Medieval Globe, and are devoted to the topic of the Black Death. 4 The collection brings together an interdisciplinary team of scholars: archeologists, microbiologists (one of whom has expertise in biosecurity), a biological anthropologist, and historians with geographical specialties ranging across Afroeurasia. Our agenda has been straightforward: to ask how the new genetics understanding of Yersinia pestis, the causative organism of plague, can alter the way we understand the history of one of the worst pandemics in human history.

Human remains from the East Smithfield Black Death Cemetery in London. DNA fragments from this cemetery were used to reconstruct the genome of Yersinia pestis in 2011.

The reason for letting the work of molecular geneticists drive our research questions about the Black Death is simple: we historians invited them in. Geneticists have taken the lead in plague narratives because they were attempting to solve a problem that had proved unsolvable by traditional (document-based) historical methods. For a variety of reasons, the 1970s and &rsquo80s engendered new questions about whether the Black Death (usually dated 1347&ndash53) had really been caused by Yersinia pestis, the same bacterium identified as the cause of plague in 1894 during an outbreak in Hong Kong that, in spreading globally, would become known as the Third Plague Pandemic. But few people prior to the late 19th century saw bacteria, and none saw viruses. They saw (or conceived of) disturbances of the humors or qi or some other construct to explain the physiology of disease. Hence, our written historical sources would never give us a definitive answer to the question: What was the disease?

The development of ancient DNA (aDNA) technologies and analytics has broken through the 19th-century barrier because they can now retrieve bacterial (and even viral) fossils. As with plague (Yersinia pestis), whole genomes have now been sequenced from historical remains for the 1918&ndash19 strain of influenza virus, leprosy (Mycobacterium leprae), cholera (Vibrio cholerae), and tuberculosis (Mycobacterium tuberculosis complex). 5

The particular relevance of genetics for the narrative of disease history, however, goes beyond simply confirming the presence of particular pathogens at certain times and places in the past. More profoundly, the new molecular genetics creates an evolutionary history of the pathogen: it shows the historical relationships between different strains, it suggests a general chronology of development, and, most useful to us historians, it grounds those evolutionary narratives in geographical space. Most genetics work on Yersinia pestis has not been done on historical remains (which continue to be rare, subject to fortuitous retrievals by archeologists) but on modern samples of the organism. These can document only strains that have survived to modern times. Nevertheless, their spatial distribution contributes to a &ldquostory&rdquo of how the organism has moved around and developed. The new genetics allows the creation, even if only in a tentative way, of a unified history of plague: one that covers nearly the whole of Eurasia and even incorporates Africa one that looks across a wide variety of species and environments that may have proved hosts to plague and one that connects a broad chronological expanse, from the 13th century to the present day.

Filling in all the still-blank spaces of chronology, geography, and host environments and landscapes demands the traditional skills of the historian, who can draw from a rich array of written sources and other products of human culture. It demands linguistic competence to read those sources in their original languages and cultural competence to &ldquoread&rdquo them for all their nuances of contingent local meaning. Yes, we remain uniquely dependent on the geneticists for certain aspects of our interpretations. Although I have inspected human remains from the London Black Death Cemetery (see photo), I have never dilihat any of the molecular fossils scientists claim to have extracted from them. But after immersing myself in their published work for the past eight years, I understand why the geneticists are making the inferences they make. Taking their conclusions as working hypotheses, I and my colleagues have been able to put forward several robust hypotheses of our own, including how, when, and why plague emerged out of its evolutionary home in the Tibet-Qinghai Plateau in the 13th century. I have even tentatively postulated, on the basis of the genetics, that plague may have reached areas that have never been part of Black Death narratives before.

Our experience suggests, then, that the biological sciences can be usefully deployed to inform historical analysis. Molecular genetics has the power to reconstruct a history of material existence&mdashin this case, of microbes&mdashat a level that no other kind of historical source or method can reach. Moreover, in the case of an ecologically complex disease like plague, other fields&mdashsuch as zoology, entomology, and bioarchaeology&mdashhave great potential to inform our work. And my experience suggests that, if introduced thoughtfully, such science can be deployed even in the undergraduate classroom. Being challenged in this way by a discipline so utterly different in its methods and questions from our own can make us better historians and highlight the unique contributions we make as humanists.

Monica H. Green is a historian of medieval medicine and global health. In 2009 and 2012, she ran a National Endowment for the Humanities Summer Seminar in London, &ldquoHealth and Disease in the Middle Ages&rdquo participants wrestled with the problem of opening up dialogue between the humanities and the historicist sciences.

The December issue of the Kajian Sejarah Amerika features a roundtable entitled &ldquoHistory Meets Biology.&rdquo Authors of the roundtable articles are John L. Brooke, Clark Spencer Larsen, Edmund Russell, Randolph Roth, Kyle Harper, Walter Scheidel, Lynn Hunt, Julia Adeney Thomas, Norman MacLeod, and Michael D. Gordin. Read the 10 essays at www.historians.org/ahr.

1. Lester K. Little, &ldquoPlague Historians in Lab Coats,&rdquo Past and Present, 213 (2011): 267&ndash90.

3. There is also genetics work that looks at disease history from the perspective of human genetics, such as evolutionary responses to malaria, tuberculosis, and cholera. I am referring here only to work that focuses on the pathogenic organism of infectious diseases.

4. Monica H. Green, guest editor Carol Symes, executive editor, &ldquoPandemic Disease in the Medieval World: Rethinking the Black Death,&rdquo The Medieval Globe 1 (2014), http://www.arc-humanities.org/inaugural-issue.html. Open-access publication has been generously underwritten by the World History Center, University of Pittsburgh.

5. The key scientific studies on these organisms are: Kirsten I. Bos et al., &ldquoA Draft Genome of Yersinia pestis from Victims of the Black Death,&rdquo Alam semula jadi 478 (October 27, 2011): 506&ndash10 Jeffery K. Taubenberger et al., &ldquoCharacterization of the 1918 Influenza Virus Polymerase Genes,&rdquo Alam semula jadi 437 (2005): 889&ndash93 Verena J. Schuenemann et al., &ldquoGenome-wide Comparison of Medieval and Modern Mycobacterium leprae,&rdquo Science 341 (July 12, 2013): 179&ndash83 Alison M. Devault et al., &ldquoSecond-Pandemic Strain of Vibrio cholerae from the Philadelphia Cholera Outbreak of 1849,&rdquo New England Journal of Medicine 370 (2014), 334&ndash40 and Kristen I. Bos et al. &ldquoPre-Columbian Mycobacterial Genomes Reveal Seals as a Source of New World Human Tuberculosis,&rdquo Alam semula jadi, published online August 20, 2014, http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nature13591.

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Tonton videonya: Четверикова Ольга, создание глобального мозга из сети! (Julai 2022).


Komen:

  1. Malakora

    Do not take to heart!

  2. Danilo

    Keadaan ini sudah biasa dengan saya. Anda boleh berbincang.

  3. Xicohtencatl

    Well, you don't have to say that.

  4. Gardanris

    Jangan menilai offtopic. Tetapi Rss saya tidak mengambil suapan anda, saya sudah dan begitu dan seterusnya, menulis bahawa perintah terlarang. Saya perlu melawat anda secara peribadi setiap hari, sama seperti saya pergi ke tempat kerja. Benar, saya telah membaca semua yang baharu dalam masa seminggu. Tema yang anda miliki adalah seperti yang mereka ambil untuk jiwa, dan untuk dompet juga - dan saya mahu melakukannya, dan menggunakannya. Jumpa anda pada hari Jumaat.

  5. Florinio

    Saya minta maaf, varian ini tidak mendekati saya. Mungkin masih ada varian?

  6. Anzety

    Untuk bergabung. Saya bersetuju dengan semua yang diadakan di atas.



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